The debate about a minimum price for alcohol continues to be prompted by concerns over high levels of drinking, its effect on public health and public order, and a widespread belief that most of the alcohol that contributes to drunken behaviour is irresponsibly priced and sold. Minimum pricing for alcohol, although considered a radical intervention, is not a new policy. A minimum unit price (MUP) for alcohol was introduced in Scotland in 2018, in Wales in 2020, in the Republic of Ireland in 2022 and looks likely to be introduced in Northern Ireland.
Despite more countries following Scotland’s lead, there are no current plans to consider an application of an MUP in England. However, with recent increases in the MUP in Scotland and the findings of a five-year review in Wales, it would suggest that this policy will continue to be at the forefront of discussions of how to tackle impacts of alcohol consumption.
Reasons and options for intervention
The main goal of introducing a minimum unit price for alcohol is to tackle unwanted consequences from the consumption of alcohol. While many people consume alcoholic drinks safely without any problems, some patterns of alcohol use are associated with significant physical, mental and social harm.
It costs UK society more than £27 billion a year through a combination of health, crime, workplace and social welfare costs. Therefore, some governments in the British Isles have deemed it necessary to intervene in this market to reduce alcohol-related harm and protect the health of those regularly drinking more than the recommended 14 units per week.
Research has shown that making alcohol less affordable can reduce consumption and hence related harms. The World Health Organization considers minimum pricing one of its ‘best buys’ for tackling harmful alcohol use.
There are three main policy options that aim to reduce the consumption of alcohol by making alcohol less affordable. One is to tax alcoholic drinks; the second is to set a minimum price per unit of alcohol; the third is to ban the sale of alcohol drinks below cost price (the level of alcohol duty plus VAT).
The policy option of an MUP has been adopted by Scotland, Wales and the Republic of Ireland; England has opted to use a ban on selling alcohol below the level of alcohol duty plus VAT (since 28 May 2014).
What is a minimum price?
The introduction by the government of a minimum price for a product means that it cannot legally be sold below that price. It can be set in order to achieve certain economic or social objectives that are not currently being achieved at equilibrium in the market. In order for the policy to have an effect, the minimum price must be set above the equilibrium price. This price floor then prevents prices from falling too low and settling back at equilibrium below the MUP.
A common misconception is that introducing a minimum price for alcohol is a form of taxation. However, this is not the case. Implementing an MUP means that any extra money from higher prices goes to the retailers and producers, not to the government.
Why choose a minimum price floor?
The policy has two main objectives. The first is to protect the interests of drinkers who may make poor decisions on their own behalf. This may be from lack of information, social pressures or a disregard for their own long-term health or welfare.
The second objective is to reduce the external costs placed on health services, the police, the criminal justice system, on fellow citizens or employers. There are also longer-term external costs when alcohol abuse impacts on productivity or leads to repeated absences from work.
It is argued that MUP intervention can encourage positive changes in behaviour of both consumers and producers. It can target harmful excessive drinking, while leaving the more moderate drinker relatively unaffected.
A positive impact on consumers is the possible changes in demand. People who previously consumed cheap, and often strong, drinks, such as cheap cider, will find that their marginal private cost of consuming alcohol has increased. Depending on the price elasticity of demand, their consumption will decrease and there will be a reduction in alcohol-related violence and other external costs. A positive impact on producers is that it can encourage drinks manufacturers themselves to reduce the alcohol content of their products and, therefore, limit any increase in price passed on to the consumer.
How it differs in the different parts of the British Isles
While minimum alcohol pricing is in place in several countries, policies differ. In terms of the British Isles, in 2018 Scotland became the first country to introduce a national minimum price for all types of alcohol. Two years later, Wales followed suit. The Republic of Ireland introduced minimum pricing in January 2022, while Northern Ireland has been engaged in consultation on the policy for several years. The following table shows when MUP was introduced and at what rates.
Has the MUP been effective?
Wales has reached the five-year review point since the MUP was introduced. Many of the findings within the Welsh evaluation have strong resonance with those elsewhere, particularly those of the final Scottish evaluation. There have been five main findings:
- Implementation has been smooth. Retailers have largely complied with the law, and enforcement has been effective.
- Certain cheap alcohol products have disappeared. Large bottles of strong cider, for example, are now rare. There have also been shifts in promotions and product availability.
- There are indications that overall alcohol consumption in Wales has declined. While it is difficult to measure directly, purchasing data suggests a reduction.
- Concerns about unintended consequences have not materialised significantly. Predictions of a rise in home brewing, substance switching, shoplifting and cross-border purchasing have not been widely observed.
- Some drinkers have changed their purchasing habits. A minority have switched from cider to wine or spirits as price differences narrowed. Others, particularly those on low incomes, experienced further struggles in financially maintaining their drinking habits.
There was also a study published last year (2024) in the journal Economic Inquiry, looking at the impacts of the policy during lockdown restrictions. The study showed that the introduction of MUP in Wales resulted in a 15% increase in transaction prices and a sharp reduction in the amount of alcohol bought, around 20%, with an overall drop in expenditure per customer compared to England over the same period.
However, it should be noted that the COVID pandemic disrupted drinking habits and the availability of alcohol. In addition, evaluating the overall effects of the policy has been complex with other economic factors, including the cost-of-living crisis, also influencing affordability.
Is it a fair policy?
A counter argument to applying a price intervention on alcohol is that it may have unintended private and external costs. One argument claims that young people could decide to switch to cheaper non-alcoholic drugs instead. Alternatively, they may seek to purchase alcohol on illegal shadow markets.
Critics of the policy argue that it negatively impacts those who consume alcohol responsibly, especially families on average or below-average incomes. The wine and spirits industry tried to lobby against the Scottish government, arguing that it is inconsistent with the operation of the free market and that the intervention creates a barrier to trade. They claim that lower sales of alcoholic drinks will cost jobs in the UK, both in manufacturing and from reduced revenues of corner shops, pubs and other retailers.
There is also an argument that relying solely on an MUP targets the affordability of drinking rather than addressing all aspects of alcohol harm. Therefore, this policy is not necessarily effective in achieving all the government’s goals. Critics argue that this policy should be one component of a more comprehensive strategy delivery, which might include education, restricting the availability of alcohol, banning advertising, increasing alcohol duty, etc.
Conclusion
Although there are currently no plans to implement an MUP in England, there is ongoing pressure for the Government to consider adopting one. In the Autumn of 2024, Lord Darzi carried out an independent investigation of the NHS in England. This investigation into the NHS highlighted the ‘alarming’ death toll in England caused by cheap drink (see link below). This led public health leaders to call for action to increase the price of cheap alcohol in supermarkets and off-licences.
However, the policy itself is not without its critics, especially those citing continued trends in actual numbers of alcohol-related deaths. Therefore, it is suggested that the policy needs to be accompanied by well-funded treatment and support services for people experiencing alcohol-related difficulties. If combined with other policy measures and social support, it has the potential to contribute significantly to reductions in alcohol-related harm.
Despite reservations, overall a minimum price per unit of alcohol is viewed by many as a justified intervention and is well supported by evidence. It has been accepted that a minimum price is required to reduce consumption closer towards the social optimum and in order to bring about change in consumer and producer behaviour. Given the evidence provided from current MUP countries and ongoing discussions of alcohol-related deaths in England, health officials believe a review is almost certain, even though the current government reportedly ruled out minimum unit pricing shortly after winning power.
Articles
Reports
Questions
- Using a supply and demand diagram, discuss the effect of introducing a minimum price per unit of alcohol.
- How is the price elasticity of demand for alcoholic drinks relevant to determining the success of minimum pricing?
- Compare the effects on alcohol consumption of imposing a minimum unit price of alcohol with a ban the sale of alcohol below cost price. What are the revenue implications of the two policies for the government?
- What negative externalities occur as a result in the over consumption of alcohol? How could a socially efficient price for alcohol be determined?
- Could alcohol consumption be described as a ‘de-merit good’? Explain.
- Rather than targeting the price of alcohol, what other policies could the government introduce to tackle over consumption of alcohol?
- What will determine the number of people travelling across borders within the UK (i.e. from Scotland or Wales to England) to buy cheaper alcoholic drinks?
In many countries, train fares at peak times are higher than at off-peak times. This is an example of third-degree price discrimination. Assuming that peak-time travellers generally have a lower price elasticity of demand, the policy allows train companies to increase revenue and profit.
If the sole purpose of ticket sales were to maximise profits, the policy would make sense. Assuming that higher peak-time fares were carefully set, although the number travelling would be somewhat reduced, this would be more than compensated for by the higher revenue per passenger.
But there are external benefits from train travel. Compared with travel by car, there are lower carbon emissions per person travelling. Also, train travel helps to reduce road congestion. To the extent that higher peak-time fares encourage people to travel by car instead, there will be resulting environmental and congestion externalities.
The Scottish experiment with abolishing higher peak-time fares
In October 2023, the Scottish government introduced a pilot scheme abolishing peak-time fares, so that tickets were the same price at any time of the day. The idea was to encourage people, especially commuters, to adopt more sustainable means of transport. Although the price elasticity of demand for commuting is very low, the hope was that the cross-price elasticity between cars and trains would be sufficiently high to encourage many people to switch from driving to taking the train.
One concern with scrapping peak-time fares is that trains would not have the capacity to cope with the extra passengers. Indeed, one of the arguments for higher peak-time fares is to smooth out the flow of passengers during the day, encouraging those with flexibility of when to travel to use the cheaper and less crowded off-peak trains.
This may well apply to certain parts of the UK, but in the case of Scotland it was felt that there would be the capacity to cope with the extra demand at peak time. Also, in a post-COVID world, with more people working flexibly, there was less need for many people to travel at peak times than previously.
Reinstatement of peak-time fares in Scotland
It was with some dismay, therefore, especially by commuters and environmentalists, when the Scottish government decided to end the pilot at the beginning of October 2024 and reinstate peak-time fares – in many cases at nearly double the off-peak rates. For example, the return fare between Glasgow and Edinburgh rose from £16.20 to £31.40 at peak times.
The Scottish government justified the decision by claiming that passenger numbers had risen by only 6.8%, when, to be self-financing, an increase of 10% would have been required. But this begs the question of whether it was necessary to be self-financing when the justification was partly environmental. Also, the 6.8% figure is based on a number of assumptions that could be challenged (see The Conversation article linked below). A longer pilot would have helped to clarify demand.
Other schemes
A number of countries have introduced schemes to encourage greater use of the railways or other forms of public transport. One of these is the flat fare for local journeys. Provided that this is lower than previously, it can encourage people to use public transport and leave their car at home. Also, its simplicity is also likely to be attractive to passengers. For example, in England bus fares are capped at £2. Currently, the scheme is set to run until 31 December 2024.
Another scheme is the subscription model, whereby people pay a flat fee per month (or week or year, or other time period) for train or bus travel or both. Germany, for example, has a flat-rate €49 per month ‘Deutschland-Ticket‘ (rising to €58 per month in January 2025). This ticket provides unlimited access to local and regional public transport in Germany, including trains, buses, trams, metros and ferries (but not long-distance trains). This zero marginal fare cost of a journey encourages passengers to use public transport. The only marginal costs they will face will be ancillary costs, such as getting to and from the train station or bus stop and having to travel at a specific time.
Articles
- Why a pilot scheme removing peak rail fares should have been allowed to go the distance
The Conversation, Rachel Scarfe (8/10/24)
- Return of peak rail fares a costly blow for commuters and climate, Scottish Greens say
Bright Green, Chris Jarvis (6/10/24)
Commuters react to return of peak train fares in ScotlandBBC News (1/10/24)
- Perth peak rail fares to Edinburgh rise by almost 60 percent as pilot scheme ends
Daily Record, Alastair McNeill (4/10/24)
- Ditch peak-time rail fares across UK, campaigners say
iNews, Adam Forrest (30/9/24)
- Train fares reduced by up to 20% in East Yorkshire
Rail Advent, Roger Smith (26/9/24)
- Deutschland-Ticket: Germany’s popular monthly transport pass will soon be more expensive
Euronews, Angela Symons (24/9/24)
- Fare Britannia: a new approach to public transport ticketing for the UK
Greenpeace report, Leo Eyles, Tony Duckenfield and Jim Steer (19/9/24)
- Ministers urged to trial monthly ‘climate card’ in North of England to save rail commuters money and cut emissions
About Manchester, Nigel Barlow (20/9/24)
Questions
- Identify the arguments for and against having higher rail fares at peak times than at off-peak times
- Why might it be a good idea to scrap higher peak-time fares in some parts of a country but not in others?
- Provide a critique of the Scottish government’s arguments for reintroducing higher peak-time fares.
- With reference to The Conversation article, why is it difficult to determine the effect on demand of the Scottish pilot of scrapping peak-time fares?
- What are the arguments for and against the German scheme of having a €49 per month public transport pass for local and regional transport with no further cost per journey? Should it be extended to long-distance trains and coaches?
- In England there is a flat £2 single fare for buses. Would it be a good idea to make bus travel completely free?
In 2012, the Scottish Parliament voted to introduce a minimum unit price for alcoholic drinks. The Scotch Whisky Association along with others appealed against the legislation, but on 15 November 2017 the UK Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the legislation does not breach European Union law. It is thus likely that, after consultation, a 50p minimum unit price will be introduced, making Scotland the first country in the world to introduce minimum pricing for alcohol.
As we saw in a previous blog, Alcohol minimum price, the aim is to prevent the sale of really cheap drinks in supermarkets and other outlets. For example, three-litre bottles of strong cider can be sold for as little as £3.59. Sometimes supermarkets offer multibuys which are heavily discounted. The idea of minimum pricing is to stop these practices without affecting ‘normal’ prices. For example, the legislation will not affect prices in pubs, which are already more than 50p per unit of alcohol.
The following table shows how much prices would rise for various types of drink when compared to current cheap supermarket prices. The biggest percentage effect is for cheap, strong cider and beer.
|
Strength |
Size |
Units of alcohol |
Current price |
New minimum price |
| Cheap strong cider |
7.5% |
3 litres |
22.5 |
£3.50 |
£11.25 |
| Cheap wine |
13% |
750ml |
9.75 |
£3.99 |
£4.88 |
| Cheap beer/lager (normal) |
4% |
4 × 440ml |
7.04 |
£2.50 |
£3.52 |
| Cheap beer/lager (strong) |
8% |
4 × 500ml |
16 |
£3.50 |
£8.00 |
| Cheap spirits |
37.5% |
70cl |
26.25 |
£10.00 |
£13.13 |
| Cheap strong spirits |
50% |
70cl |
35 |
£12.00 |
£17.50 |
The hope is that by preventing the sale of really cheap drinks in supermarkets, people will no longer be encouraged to ‘pre-load’, so that when they go out for the evening they are already drunk. It would also help to reduce the number of alcoholics amongst the poor.
But this raises the question of equity. By targeting cheap drink, the policy is likely to hit the poor hardest. The question is whether this will simply lead to alcoholics on low incomes cutting down on other things, such as food and clothing for themselves and their children.
How successful, then, will such a policy be in cutting down drunkenness and the associated anti-social behaviour in many Scottish towns and cities, especially on Friday and Saturday nights? This will depend on the price elasticity of demand.
Videos and podcasts
Scotland first country to introduce minimum alcohol price Channel 4 News, Fatima Manji (15/11/17)
The story of how Scotland brought in minimum pricing on alcoh The Scotsman, Ross McCafferty (15/11/17)
Supreme Court rejects challenge against plans for minimum alcohol pricing in Scotland ITV News, Peter Smith (15/11/17)
Scotland getting the all-clear for minimum alcohol pricing as judges reject appeal Heart Scotland News, Connor Gillies (15/11/17)
Articles
Alcohol minimum unit pricing to go ahead Scottish Government: news (15/11/17)
Scottish alcohol price survey 2016 Alcohol Focus Scotland (2016)
Minimum pricing Alcohol Focus Scotland (2017)
Supreme Court backs Scottish minimum alcohol pricing BBC News (15/11/17)
Supreme Court backs Scottish minimum alcohol pricing plans Out-Law.com (15/11/17)
Go-ahead for minimum alcohol pricing British Medical Association (BMA), Jennifer Trueland (15/11/17)
Expert reaction to UK supreme court ruling that the Scottish government can set a minimum price for alcohol, rejecting a challenge by the Scotch Whisky Association Science Media Centre (15/11/17)
Scotland to become first country with minimum price for alcohol sales Independent, Alex Matthews-King (15/11/17)
Scotland leading the world over minimum alcohol price ITV News (15/11/17)
Campaigners urge minimum alcohol price in England after Scottish ruling The Guardian, Severin Carrell (15/11/17)
Scottish ‘booze cruises’ to England predicted as minimum pricing introduced The Telegraph, Olivia Rudgard (15/11/17)
Questions
- Draw a diagram to illustrate the effect of a minimum price per unit of alcohol on (a) cheap cider; (b) good quality wine.
- What would be the likely effects of a 50p per unit minimum price on the pub trade?
- How is the price elasticity of demand for alcoholic drinks relevant to determining the success of minimum pricing?
- What determines the price elasticity of demand for cheap alcoholic drinks?
- Compare the effects on alcohol consumption of imposing a minimum unit price of alcohol with raising the duty on alcoholic drinks. What are the revenue implications of the two policies for the government?
- What externalities are involved in the consumption of alcohol? How could a socially efficient price for alcohol be determined?
- Could alcohol consumption be described as a ‘de-merit good’? Explain.
- Other than high minimum prices and taxation, what other policies could be used to (a) tackle binge drinking; (b) tackle the problem of alcoholism?
- What will determine the number of people travelling from Scotland to England to buy cheaper alcoholic drinks?
Scottish voters will be crucial in the upcoming election, with the SNP poised to take many of Labour’s seats north of the border. The future of Scotland will depend on which party comes to power and what decisions are made with regards to its finances.
Nicola Sturgeon wants government spending and taxation powers transferred to the Scottish Parliament, but would this mean spending cuts and tax rises for the Scottish people? Ed Miliband, Labour’s leader has been vocal in pointing out what this might mean, with cuts to pensions or raising taxes. However, given that it is Labour that is facing the biggest threat from the SNP, it is perhaps hardly surprising.
However, as the first video below shows, there would be an estimated £7.6bn deficit in Scotland, according to the IFS if spending and taxing was to be transferred here. This is because the tax revenues raised in Scotland are lower per person and spending per person is higher than across the whole of the UK. Oil prices are extremely low at present and hence this is reducing tax revenues. When the oil price does rise, revenues will increase and so if the split in finances was to occur this would reduce that deficit somewhat, but it would still leave a rather large hole in Scotland’s finances. The following videos and articles consider the SNP’s plans.
Videos
SNP fiscal autonomy plan: What would it do to Scotland’s finances? BBC News, Robert Peston (10/4/15)
Labour attacks SNP’s ‘devastating’ economic plans BBC News (10/4/15)
Articles
Ed Miliband attacks SNP plan for Scottish fiscal autonomy The Guardian, Severin Carrell (10/4/15)
Ed Miliband wars pensions will be cut under SNP plans The Telegraph, Auslan Cramb (10/4/15)
SNP fails to account for billions in welfare and pensions pledge, says IFS The Guardian, Severin Carrell (10/4/15)
Questions
- What is a budget deficit?
- What does fiscal autonomy for Scotland actually mean?
- The IFS suggests that there will be a large deficit in Scottish finances if they gain autonomy. How could this gap be reduced?
- Why has Labour claimed that tax rises would occur under the SNP’s plans? What could this mean for Scottish growth?
- Why do lower oil prices reduce tax revenues for Scotland?
- If Scotland had control over its finances, it could influence where government spending goes. Which industries would you invest in if you were in charge?
The Scottish debate revolved around a variety of issues and one of the key factors that added weight to the ‘No’ campaign was the idea of being British. But the concept of ‘Britishness’ is not just important to those who live here. It still appears to be a key signal of quality in foreign markets and it is something which foreign consumers are willing to pay a price for.
Barclays Corporate Banking has undertaken research into eight key export markets to determine the value of ‘Britain’. One of the key factors that boost demand for a product is quality and another is the idea of a brand. As quality improves and brands become more recognized, a product’s demand curve will begin to shift to the right, thus pushing up the market price. In other words, with higher quality and brand recognition, an individual’s willingness to pay rises. One brand that foreign consumers seem willing to pay a premium to purchase are those labelled ‘Made in Britain’.
The research indicates that 31% of customers in emerging markets have been prepared to and have purchased products that are from Britain, despite the higher price. Seeing the label ‘Made in Britain’ seems to send the signal of quality and this in turn creates a higher willingness to pay. Furthermore, this willingness to pay, while still good for Scottish, English and Welsh products, is higher for ‘British’ products, perhaps another indication of the truth behind the ‘Better together’ campaign.
The increase in willingness to pay between products with seemingly no country of origin and a British country of origin is 7% and this knowledge should give a confidence boost to the British export market. It should also indicate to exporters in Wales, Scotland and England that they are better to advertise as ‘Made in Britain’ than ‘Made in Wales, Scotland or England’. The expected boost from the 8 key emerging markets is around £2bn. The following articles consider the concept of ‘Brand Britain’.
Good news for exports as Brand Britain is revealed to be valuable concept Small Business, John Bromley (3/11/14)
Britain ‘best brand’ for Welsh exports, survey suggests BBC News (26/11/11)
Overseas consumers 64% more willing to pay premium for ‘Brand Britain’ Marketing Week, Sebastian Joseph (3/11/14)
Report flags up ‘British’ benefit The Courier, James Williamson (3/10/14)
Questions
- Using a diagram, illustrate the effect of a product’s being a well-known brand on its equilibrium price and quantity.
- Why is it that the relative willingness to pay a premium for British products is higher in developing countries than in developed countries?
- Using the concept of marginal utility theory, explain the impact of the ‘Made in Britain’ label.
- The BBC News article suggests, however, that some Welsh companies have not found the brand effect to be the case. What factors might explain this?
- To what extent are the concepts of consumer and producer surplus relevant here?
