Unemployment in the UK reached its highest level in nearly five years at the close of 2025, according to new data from the Office for National Statistics. Figures show the unemployment rate rising to 5.2% in the three months to December, up slightly from 5.1% in the preceding quarter.
This marks the highest unemployment level since the pandemic, coinciding with a slowdown in wage growth and increasing speculation that interest rates may soon be lowered.
Youth unemployment
However, young people are taking the heaviest hit, with unemployment climbing to 16.1% among those aged 16 to 24. (Click here for a PowerPoint of the chart.) This is the highest level in more than a decade, including the spike seen during the pandemic. Economists largely attribute this trend to rising payroll costs, which they say are discouraging employers from offering entry level roles. Long-term youth unemployment is also worsening, with recent data showing that a growing share of unemployed young people have been out of work for over 12 months, highlighting deeper and more persistent barriers to re entry.
At the same time, although wages for those in work continue to grow faster than prices, the pace of wage growth is steadily slowing, adding further pressure on young people already facing the most challenging labour market conditions in years. According to ONS data, the annual growth in average weekly wages, excluding bonuses, slowed to 4.2% in the last three months of 2025. Private-sector wage growth eased to 3.4%, bringing it closer to the 3.25% rate that the Bank of England believes is consistent with its 2% inflation target.
The impact on interest rates
The Bank of England is watching the slowdown in the UK jobs market closely as it gauges when next to lower its interest rates. In February 2026, the Monetary Policy Committee voted to hold the base rate (Bank Rate) at 3.75%. However, the committee voted with a majority of 5-4, with four members voting to reduce the rate to 3.5%.
The Bank of England uses interest rates as a policy tool to control inflation, the rate at which general prices rise in the economy. The current rate of inflation of 3.4% is above the Bank of England’s target of 2%.
In addition to the split vote, some economists believe that the easing in pay growth makes it likely that Bank Rate will be cut at the next meeting on 19th March. Paul Dales, chief UK economist at Capital Economics, said the fall in wage growth ‘supports the idea that the Bank of England has at least a couple more interest rate cuts in its locker’. A decrease in interest rates will be welcomed by investors.
What is behind the increase in youth unemployment?
Young people always tend to be the most impacted by a downturn in hiring. But economists warned that the rise in youth unemployment was a sign that employers are being more cautious about hiring younger workers. Openings for low-skilled entry-level roles and for new graduates have dropped steeply. Many businesses have slowed hiring due to an increase in costs because of measures in Chancellor Rachel Reeves’s last two Budgets. Businesses claim that the combination of increases in employer National Insurance contributions and a rise in the minimum wage mean they are facing higher payroll costs.
Peter Dixon at the National Institute for Economic and Social Research said, ‘there are indications that younger workers in particular are being priced out of the market’, supporting the explanation that raising the minimum wage might also be disincentivising the hiring of young people.
The ONS reported that the retail and wholesale sector saw the biggest fall in the number of workers on company payrolls, with 65,000 jobs lost in the sector since January last year. Meanwhile, health and social work saw the biggest rise in payrolled workers of any sector, adding 39,000 jobs in the year to January. Financial analyst at AJ Bell, Danni Hewson, suggested that those leaving the retail sector were now entering healthcare, with both sectors employing large numbers of women. However, she also warned that a recent surge in investment in artificial intelligence could hit young people the hardest as it could result ‘in a scarcity of entry level posts’ (see the blog Will AI make the world less equal?.
Job vacancies
Job vacancy data across the UK indicates a significant cooling in labour demand. According to the latest ONS figures, vacancies fell from 736,000 in the three months to December to 726,000 in January, signalling continued weakening in hiring activity. According to the job search site, Adzuna, the number of vacant positions has dropped to its lowest level in five years, with job listings sliding 3% in January to 695,000, marking the first time vacancies have dipped below 700,000 since early 2021. Notably, graduate opportunities have fallen below 10,000 for the first time since Adzuna started tracking in 2016, underscoring the deepening challenges for new entrants to the workforce.
This downward trend in job openings extends patterns seen throughout late 2025, with vacancies down 16% from the previous January and nearly 20% lower than six months earlier. This coincides with a rise in unemployment to 5.2%, slower wage growth, and a growing concern that young people are disproportionately affected as hiring slows. As opportunities shrink, competition has intensified: there are now 2.4 jobseekers per vacancy, up from 2.27 in December, with the most sought-after roles including warehouse staff, healthcare support workers, lorry drivers, labourers and kitchen assistants.
How can the situation be improved?
Pat McFadden, Secretary for Work and Pensions, has commissioned the former Health Secretary Alan Milburn to lead a review into the causes of rising youth inactivity. There will be a particular focus on mental health issues that are pushing young people out of education and employment. This initiative responds to the growing number of young people not in education, employment, or training (NEETs), many of whom are now classified as inactive rather than unemployed. Some receive health-related benefits and are therefore not required to look for work, while others fall outside the benefits system entirely, making them harder to identify and support.
However, Pat McFadden said there was ‘more to do to get people into jobs’, and that tackling youth unemployment is a key government priority. He added that Labour was working to make it easier for young people to find and secure an apprenticeship, supported by a wider package of reforms. The reforms announced by McFadden include creating 50,000 additional apprenticeships. The government will also expand support for 350,000 people to move into work or training in sectors such as care and construction, with the risk of losing benefits if they refuse. They also include the provision of 55,000 state-funded, six-month work placements for the long-term unemployed.
While these measures are widely seen as necessary, campaign groups argue the government should go further by extending its ‘Youth Guarantee’ to cover all young people up to age 24, rather than ending at 22.
However, as Alice Martin, head of research at Lancaster University’s Work Foundation, notes, initiatives designed to help people return to the labour market have limited impact ‘if the jobs aren’t out there.’ Even graduates are finding that opportunities are scarce, and for those leaving education with few qualifications, the situation is even more challenging. Sectors such as retail, once a reliable source of first jobs, have been in long-term structural decline, a trend that is now accelerating and further narrowing the pathways available to young people entering the workforce.
The situation has prompted government discussions about postponing the planned rise in the minimum wage for 18- to 20-year-olds to address employers’ concerns and encourage more youth employment. However, on Wednesday, Keir Starmer stressed that Labour remains committed to its manifesto pledge to align the pay of younger workers with that of older employees. The Prime Minister confirmed that the promise to ‘remove the discriminatory age bands’ in the minimum wage system still stands, and that the increase scheduled for April will proceed as planned.
Starmer said ‘We’ve made commitments to young people in our manifesto, and we will keep to those commitments, including the commitment that we would make sure that the living wage and minimum wage will go up this April, which we can absolutely confirm to you will happen.’
Unemployment outlook
Multiple economic forecasts predict that unemployment will to continue to rise in 2026. The most frequently cited projection places the 2026 unemployment rate around 5.2%–5.5%. However, some economists expect businesses to regain confidence and begin hiring again later in the year, supporting a gradual stabilisation in job markets.
Yet risks remain significant: if that recovery fails to materialise, unemployment could edge toward 6% by the end of the year, with forecasts from JP Morgan suggesting unemployment may reach 2 million in the first half as firms delay recruitment following the recent rise in the employers’ National Insurance rate. This environment is proving especially challenging for young people, with early career opportunities among the first to disappear and delayed entry into work potentially limiting long-term earnings and progression.
As hiring becomes more cautious and entry-level roles tighten, the path into the labour market risks becoming narrower, underscoring the need for policies and conditions that support both employer confidence and opportunities for new entrants.
Articles
FT Articles (subscribers only)
Data
Questions
- Explain why youth unemployment has risen more sharply than overall unemployment at the end of 2025.
- What are the costs to the individual of being unemployed?
- What are the wider non-monetary costs to society?
- Explain the main financial costs to the wider economy of a rising unemployment rate.
- Assess the likely impact of slowing wage growth on the Bank of England’s decision about whether or not to cut interest rates in early 2026.
- Discuss how falling job vacancies, particularly graduate and entry‑level opportunities, might affect long‑term labour market outcomes for young people.
- Evaluate the effectiveness of government policies such as expanding apprenticeships, increasing work placements, and reviewing youth inactivity in reducing youth unemployment.
At the fourth anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, we look at the effect of the war on the Russian economy. Two years ago, in the blog The Russian economy after two years of war, we argued that the Russian economy had seemingly weathered the war successfully.
Unlike Ukraine, very little of its infrastructure had been destroyed; it had started the war with a current account balance of payments surplus, a budget surplus and a low general government debt-to-GDP ratio; it had achieved a lot of success in diverting its exports, including oil, away from countries imposing sanctions to countries such as China and India; it was the same with imports, with China especially becoming a major suppliers of machinery, components and vehicles; it has a strong central bank, which engenders a high level of confidence in managing inflation; the military expenditure provided a Keynesian boost to the economy, with production and employment rising.
The situation today
But two years further on, the Russian economy is looking a lot weaker and on the verge of recession. GDP growth fell to 0.6 per cent in 2025 and is forecast to be no more than 1 per cent for the next two years. (Click here for a PowerPoint of the chart.) And despite growth still being positive (just), this is largely because of the growth in military expenditure. Retail and wholesale trade fell by 1.1% in 2025, reflecting supply chain problems and high inflation dampening consumer demand.
With labour being diverted into the armaments and allied industries or into the armed forces, this has led to labour shortages. This has been compounded by the emigration of up to 1 million people by 2025 – often young, educated and skilled professionals.
Official CPI inflation averaged 8.7 per cent in 2025, although the prices of food and other consumer essentials rose by more, especially in recent months. At the beginning of 2026, supermarket prices rose by 2.3% in just one month, made worse by a rise in VAT from 20% to 22%. The central bank has responded to the high inflation with high interest rates, which averaged 19.2% in 2025, giving a real rate of 10.5%. With such a high real rate, the response of households has been to save. This has masked the constraints on production, or imports, of consumer goods. Savings have also been boosted by large payments to soldiers and bereaved families, with the money saved by the recipients being used in part to fund future such payments. So far there has been trust in the banking system, but if that trust waned and people starting making large withdrawals of savings, it could be seriously destabilising.
Whilst the high real interest rates have helped to mask shortages of consumer goods, they have had a seriously dampening effect on investment by domestic companies. Gross capital formation fell by 3% in 2025, not helped by an increase in the corporation tax from 20% to 25%. At the same time, foreign direct investment remains subdued due to high perceived risks. The lack of investment, plus the labour shortages, will have profound effects on the supply side of the economy, with potential output in the non-military sector likely to decline over the medium term.
The balance of payments and government finances are turning less favourable. The balance of trade surplus has declined from US$173bn in 2021 to US$67bn in 2025. This could decline further, or even become a deficit, if oil prices continue to be weak, if Western sanctions are tightened (such as stopping the flow of Russian oil exports in the ‘shadow’ fleet of tankers) or if major importing countries stop buying Russian oil. Indian refiners have announced that they are not taking Russian crude in March/April as India seeks to finalise a trade deal with the USA.
The budget balance has moved from a small surplus of 0.8% of GDP in 2021 to a deficit of 2.9% in 2025. Although the government debt-to-GDP ratio remains low by international standards at 23.1% of GDP in 2025, this was up from 16.5% in 2021 and is set to rise further as budget deficits deepen. Nevertheless, as long as the saving rate remains high, the debt can be serviced by domestic bond purchase.
Russia’s economy is definitely weakening and labour shortages and low investment will create major problems for the future. But whether this deterioration will be enough to change Russia’s stance on the war in Ukraine remains to be seen.
Articles
- The Russian economy is finally stagnating. What does it mean for the war – and for Putin?
The Guardian, Alex Clark (6/2/26)
- Exclusive: Russia’s budget deficit may almost triple this year as oil revenues decline
Reuters (4/2/26)
- Russia’s war economy is not collapsing, but neither is it stable
The Conversation, Yerzhan Tokbolat (17/12/25)
- Food prices are surging in Russia. Is the war hitting Russians in the pocket?
BBC News, Olga Shamina, Yaroslava Kiryukhina and Sergei Kagermazov (18/2/26)
- [Russian] GDP data — what it reveals, what it conceals
The Bell, Denis Kasyanchuk (18/2/26)
What to Expect From the Russian Economy in 2026
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Alexandra Prokopenko and Alexander Gabuev (12/2/26)
- Indian refiners avoid Russian oil in push for US trade deal
Reuters, Nidhi Verma (8/2/26)
- What Breaks First – Russia’s Economy or Its War?
Visegrad Insight, Tomasz Kasprowicz (3/2/26)
Videos
Reports
Data
Questions
- What constraints are there currently on the supply side of the Russian economy?
- Some economists have argued that the economic effects of a stalemate in the Ukraine war would suit the Russian leadership more than peace or victory. Why might this be so?
- Under what circumstances might a deep recession in Russia be more likely than stagnation?
- In what ways does Russia’s current financial system resemble a pyramid scheme?
- What cannot a Keynesian boost contunue to support the Russian economy indefinitely?
Have you noticed that many products in the supermarket seem to be getting smaller or are poorer quality, or that special offers are not as special as they used to be? When you ring customer services, does it seem that you have to wait longer than you used to? Do you now have to pay for extras that used to be free? These are all ways that producers try to pass on cost increases to consumers without rising prices. There are three broad ways in which producers try to hide inflation.
The first is called ‘shrinkflation’. It is defined as having less product in the same package or a smaller package for the same price. For example, reducing the number of chocolates in a tub, reducing the size of a can of beans, jar of coffee or block of butter, reducing the number of sheets in a toilet roll, or the length of a ride in a fairground or portion sizes in a restaurant or takeaway. A 2023 YouGov poll revealed that 75% of UK adults are either ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ concerned about shrinkflation. A similar poll in 2025 showed that this figure had increased to 80%. The product category with the greatest concerns was snack foods (e.g. crisps, confectionery items, nuts, etc.).1
The second form of hidden inflation is called ‘skimpflation’. This is defined as decreasing the quality of a product or service without lowering the price. Examples include cheaper ingredients in food or confectionery, such as using palm oil instead of butter, or reducing the cocoa content in chocolate or the meat content in sausages and pies, or package holidays reducing the quality of meals, or customer service centres or shops reducing the number of staff so that people have to wait longer on the phone or to be served.
The third is called ‘sneakflation’. This is similar to skimpflation but normally refers to reducing what you get when you pay for a service, such as a flight, by now charging for extras, such as luggage or food. Sometimes shrinkflation or skimpflation are seen as subsets of sneakflation.
These practices have had a lot of publicity in recent months, with consumers complaining that they are getting less for their money. Many people see them as a sneaky way of passing on cost increases without raising the price. But the changes are often subtle and difficult for shoppers to spot when they are buying an item. Skimpflation especially is difficult to observe at the time of purchase. It’s only when people consume the product that they think that it doesn’t seem as good as it used to be. Even shrinkflation can be hard to spot if the package size remains the same but there is less in it, such as fewer biscuits in a tin or fewer crisps in a packet. People would have to check the weight or volume, while also knowing what it used to be.
If firms are legitimately passing on costs and are up-front about what they are doing, then most consumers would probably understand it even if they did not like it. It’s when firms do it sneakily that many consumers get upset. Also, firms may do it to increase profit margins – in other words, by reducing the size or quality beyond what is necessary to cover the cost increase.
Does the official rate of inflation take such practices into account?
The answer is that some of the practices are taken into account – especially shrinkflation. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) accounts for shrinkflation by monitoring price changes per unit of weight or volume, rather than just the price. Data collectors track the weight, volume or count of item. When a product’s size is reduced, the ONS records this as a price increase in CPI or CPIH inflation statistics. This is known as a ‘quality adjustment’ process and allows the ONS to isolate price changes from product size changes. As CPI data from the ONS is used by the Bank of England in monitoring its 2% inflation target, it too is incorporating shrinkflation.
ONS quality adjustments are also applied to non-market public services, such as healthcare, education and policing to measure changes in service quality rather than just volume. This allows a more accurate measurement of productivity as it focuses on outcomes and user experience per pound spent rather than just focusing on costs.
Skimpflation is more difficult to monitor. The quality adjustment process may miss some quality changes and hence some skimpflation goes unrecorded. This means that the headline inflation rate might understate the true decline in purchasing power felt by consumers.
How extensive is hidden inflation?
Despite public perception, shrinkflation has a relatively small impact on the headline CPI and CPIH inflation rate in the UK because it is largely confined to certain sectors, such as bread and cereals, personal care products, meat products, and sugar, jams, syrups, chocolate & confectionery. Nevertheless, in these sectors it is particularly prevalent, especially in the packaged foodstuffs and confectionery sector. The latest research by the ONS in 2019 covered the period June 2015 to June 2017 and is shown in the following figure.2

According to research in the USA by Capital One Shopping, some major brands reduced product sizes by over 30% in 2025 without reducing prices, with shrinkflation averaging 14.8% among selected national grocery brands.3 Shrinkflation had been observed by 74% of Americans at their grocery store. Of these, 81% took some kind of action as a result, with 48% abandoning a brand. Nevertheless, across all products, shrinkflation accounts for quite a small percentage of any overall price rises.
A US Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that shrinkflation accounted for less than 1/10 of a percentage point of the 34.5% increase in overall consumer prices from 2019 to 2024.4 The reason is that the items that were downsized comprised a small percentage of goods and services. Indeed, many goods and services, such as housing, cannot be downsized in the same way that household products can.
Nevertheless, with consumer budgets being squeezed by the inflation that followed the pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, hidden inflation has become more prevalent in many countries and an increasing concern of consumers.
References
- Shrinkflation concern rises in 2025, but fewer Britons are changing shopping habits
YouGov (15/8/25)
- Shrinkflation: How many of our products are getting smaller?
Office for National Statistics (21/1/19)
- Shrinkflation Statistics
Capital One Shopping (30/12/25)
- What is “Shrinkflation,” And How Has It Affected Grocery Store Items Recently?
U.S. Government Accountability Office (12/8/25)
Videos
Articles
- Shrinkflation: How many of our products are getting smaller?
Office for National Statistics (21/1/19)
- Shrinkflation: Inflation hiding in plain sight
Britannica Money, Doug Ashburn (21/7/25)
- Shrinkflation: the brands charging you more for less
Which?, Ellie Simmonds (28/10/25)
- 7 Surprising Ways Inflation Is Still Rising Even as Prices Slow This Year
SavingAdvice.com, Teri Monroe (3/2/26)
- 22 Real-Life Examples Of Shrinkflation That People Have Spotted In The Last Few Weeks That Are Honestly Infuriating
BuzzFeed, Megan Liscomb (10/12/25)
- Shrinkflation: smaller products hurt some households more than others – and can be bad for business
The Conversation, Erhan Kilincarslan (14/1/26)
- Shoppers brand the UK “a disgrace” as Cadbury Mini Egg prices rise by 105% on pre-pandemic levels
Food Manufacture, Thomas West (6/1/26)
- This article is more than 3 months old Shrinkflation hits everyday staples, piling more pressure on households
The Guardian, Sarah Marsh and Sarah Butler (28/12/25)
- Shrinkflation isn’t slowing down — It’s just getting harder to spot
ConsumerAffairs, Kyle James (13/1/26)
- Shrinkflation – are brands and supermarkets required to inform consumers if a product has been reduced in size or quantity but the packaging looks the same?
CMS Law-Now, Loïc de Hults and Tom Heremans (25/9/25)
- Study reveals shrinking package sizes hide significant food inflation
Phys.org, Aaron Kupec (28/1/26)
Journal Article
Questions
- If shrinkflation, when included in CPI statistics, accounts for such a small percentage of inflation, why are people so concerned about it?
- From a company’s perspective, is it a good idea to engage in (a) shrinkflation; (b) skimpflation?
- Go round you local supermarket and identify examples of shrinkflation and skimpflation.
- How are various EU countries attempting to inform consumers of shrinkflation?
- Why is skimpflation often harder to detect than shrinkflation?
- Give some other examples of sneakflation in the provision of services.
- How could behavioural economists help firms decide whether or how to engage in shrinkflation or skimpflation?
Donald Trump is keen to lower US interest rates substantially and rapidly in order to provide a boost to the US economy. He is also keen to reduce the cost of living for US citizens and sees lower interest rates as a means of reducing the burden of debt servicing for both consumers and firms alike.
But interest rates are set by the US central bank, the Federal Reserve (the ‘Fed’), which is formally independent from government. This independence is seen as important for providing stability to the US economy and removing monetary policy from short-term political pressures to cut interest rates. Succumbing to political pressures would be likely to create uncertainty and damage long-term stability and growth.
Yet President Trump is pushing the Fed to lower interest rates rapidly and despite three cuts in a row of 0.25 percentage points in the last part of 2025 (see chart below), he thinks this as too little and is annoyed by suggestions that the Fed is unlikely to lower rates again for a while. He has put great pressure on Jerome Powell, the Fed Chair, to go further and faster and has threatened to replace him before his term expires in May this year. He has also made clear that he is likely to appoint someone more willing to cutting rates.
The Federal Reserve headquarters in Washington is currently being renovated. The nine-year project is costing $2.5 billion and is due to be completed next year. President Trump has declared that the project’s costs are excessive and unnecessary.
On 11 January, Federal prosecutors confirmed that they were opening a criminal investigation into Powell, accusing him of lying to Congress in his June 2025 testimony regarding the scope and costs of the renovations.
Powell responded by posting a video in which he claimed that the real reason that he was being threatened with criminal charges was not because of the renovations but because the Fed had ignored President Trump’s pressure and had set interest rates:
based on our best assessment of what will serve the public, rather than following the preferences of the President. This is about whether the Fed will be able to continue to set interest rates based on evidence and economic conditions – or whether, instead, monetary policy will be directed by political pressure or intimidation.
The Fed’s mandate
The Federal Reserve Board decides on monetary policy and then the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) decides how to carry it out. It decides on interest rates and asset sales or purchases. The FOMC meets eight times a year.
The Fed is independent of both the President and Congress, and its Chair is generally regarded as having great power in determining the country’s economic policy.
Since 1977, the Fed’s statutory mandate has been to promote the goals of stable prices and maximum employment. Because of the reference to both prices and employment, the mandate is commonly referred to as a ‘dual mandate’. Its inflation target is 2 per cent over the long run with ‘well anchored’ inflationary expectations.
The dual mandate is unlike that of the Bank of England, the European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan and most other central banks, which all have a single key mandate of achieving a target of a 2 per cent annual rate of consumer price inflation over a particular time period.
With a dual mandate, the two objectives may well conflict from time to time. Moreover, changes in monetary policy affect these objectives with a lag and potentially over different time horizons. Hence, an assessment may have to be made of which is the most pressing problem. This does give some leeway in setting interest rates somewhat lower than if there were a single inflation-rate target. Nevertheless, the assessment is in terms of how best to achieve the mandate and not to meet current political goals.
Statement by former Fed Chairs and Governors
On 12 January, three former Chairs of the Federal Reserve (Janet Yellen, Ben Bernanke and Alan Greenspan), four former Treasury Secretaries (Timothy Geithner, Jacob Lew, Henry Paulson and Robert Rubin) and seven other top former economic officials issued the following statement (see Substack link in the Articles section below):
The Federal Reserve’s independence and the public’s perception of that independence are critical for economic performance, including achieving the goals Congress has set for the Federal Reserve of stable prices, maximum employment, and moderate long-term interest rates. The reported criminal inquiry into Federal Reserve Chair Jay Powell is an unprecedented attempt to use prosecutorial attacks to undermine that independence. This is how monetary policy is made in emerging markets with weak institutions, with highly negative consequences for inflation and the functioning of their economies more broadly. It has no place in the United States whose greatest strength is the rule of law, which is at the foundation of our economic success.
Response of investors
What will happen to the dollar, US bond prices, share prices and US inflation, and what will happen to investment, depends on how people respond to the threat to the Fed’s independence. Initially, there was little response from markets, with investors probably concluding that President Trump is unlikely to be able to sway FOMC members. What is more, several Republican lawmakers have begun criticising the Trump administration’s criminal investigation, making it harder for the President to influence Fed decisions.
Even if Powell is replaced, either in the short term or in May, by a chair keen to pursue the Trump agenda, that chair will still be just one of twelve voting members of the FOMC.
Seven are appointed by the President, but serve for staggered 14-year terms. Four have been appointed by President Trump, but the other three were appointed by President Biden, although one – Lisa Cook – is being indicted by the Supreme Court for mortgage fraud, with the hearing scheduled for January 21. She claims that this is a trumped-up charge to provide grounds for removing her from the Fed. If she is removed, President Trump could appoint a replacement minded to cut rates.
The other five members include the President of the New York Fed and four of the eleven other regional Fed Presidents serving in rotation. These four are generally hawkish and would oppose early rate cuts.
Thus it is unlikely that President Trump will succeed in pushing the Fed to lower interest rates earlier than they would have done. For that reason, markets have remained relatively sanguine.
Nevertheless, Donald Trump’s actions could well cause investors to become more worried. Will he try to find other ways to undermine the Fed? Will his actions over Venezuela, Cuba, Greenland and Iran, let alone his policies towards Ukraine and Russia and towards Israel and Gaza, heighten global uncertainty? Will his actions towards Venezuela and his desire to take over Greenland embolden China to attempt to annex Taiwan, and Russia to continue to resist plans to end the war in Ukraine or to make stronger demands?
Such developments could cause investor confidence to wane and for stock markets to fall. Time will tell. I think we need a crystal ball!
Videos
Articles
- Federal prosecutors open criminal investigation into the Fed and Jerome Powell
CNN, Bryan Mena (11/1/26)
- The Fed just gave a rare look at its $2.5 billion renovation — right before Trump’s tour
CNN, Bryan Mena (24/7/25)
- ‘A bone-headed move’: Trump’s shocking battle with Powell could badly backfire
CNN, Matt Egan (12/1/26)
- Why Powell is fighting back against Trump: The US economy is at stake
CNN, Bryan Mena (13/1/26)
- Fed chair Powell hits out at ‘unprecedented’ probe by US justice department
BBC News, Ana Faguy and Osmond Chia (12/1/26)
- Justice department opens investigation into Jerome Powell as Trump ramps up campaign against Federal Reserve
The Guardian, Callum Jones (12/1/26)
- Some Republicans speak out against DoJ investigation into Fed chair
The Guardian, Joseph Gedeon (12/1/26)
- Trump’s attempts to influence Fed risk 1970s-style inflation and global backlash
The Guardian, Richard Partington (12/1/26)
- Statement on the Federal Reserve
Substack, 14 signatories (12/1/26)
- Yellen says Powell probe ‘extremely chilling’ for Fed independence, market should be concerned
CNBC, Jeff Cox (12/1/26)
- Global central bankers unite in defense of Fed Chair Jerome Powell
CNBC, Holly Ellyatt (13/1/26)
- Trump attacks Powell again amid Fed independence fears: ‘That jerk will be gone soon’
CNBC, Kevin Breuninger (13/1/26)
- Former Fed chairs condemn criminal investigation into Jerome Powell
BBC News, Danielle Kaye (12/1/26)
- Fed: Towards a very divided Fed in the coming months and quarters
CPR AM, Bastien Drut (28/11/25)
- Treasury Yields Diverge as Powell Probe Rekindles Fed Independence Risk
Investing.com, Khasay Hashimov (12/1/26)
- Instant View: Investors react as Trump-Fed feud escalates
Reuters (12/1/26)
- Fighting the Fed, Trump tries credit easing by decree
Reuters, Mike Dolan (13/1/26)
- Trump’s attacks on the Federal Reserve risk fuelling US inflation and ending dollar dominance
The Conversation, Emre Tarim (13/1/26)
Questions
- What are the arguments for central bank independence?
- What are the arguments for control of monetary policy by the central government?
- Assess the above arguments.
- Find out what has happened to interest rates, the US stock market and the dollar since this blog was written.
- How do the fiscal decisions by government affect monetary policy?
- Compare the benefits of the dual mandate system of the Fed with those of the single mandate of the Bank of England and ECB.
Every year, world leaders gather to find ways of limiting global warming. The latest of these ‘COP’ meetings, COP30, is in Belém, Brazil from 10 to 20 November 2025. COP stands for ‘Conference of the Parties’, the decision-making body of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
Perhaps the best-known of these meetings was in Paris in 2015. This resulted in the Paris Agreement. This is a legally-binding international treaty to limit global warming to well below 2°C and preferably to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. This would involve reducing greenhouse gas emissions and/or taking carbon absorbing measures. All UN countries except for Iran, Libya and Yemen are signatories to the agreement.
However, on coming to office in January 2025, President Trump announced that the USA will withdraw from the agreement in January 2026. Instead, he would prioritise fossil fuel production, under the mantra, ‘drill, baby, drill’. Previously he had claimed that global warming is a hoax concocted by China designed to undermine the competitive power of the USA.
Progress in reducing emissions and mitigating climate change
Since 2020, each country has been required to submit its own emissions-reduction targets, known as ‘nationally determined contributions’ (NDCs), and the actions it will take to meet them. Every five years each country must submit a new NDC more ambitious than the last. New NDCs are due this year. As of 12 November, 112 of the 197 countries had submitted a new NDC (including the USA, China, the EU and the UK). These 112 countries account for around 71 per cent of global emissions.
Implementing all new NDCs would reduce global CO2 emissions by between 15 and 25 per cent from current levels by 2035. But this would merely reduce global warming to around 2.6°C above pre-industrial levels. Approximately 35 per cent emissions reductions by 2035 would be required to restrict global warming to 2°C and 55 per cent to restrict it to 1.5°C.
But implementing the Paris Agreement has still had a high degree of success. Without the action taken and being taken over the past 10 years, it is predicted that global temperatures by 2050 would rise by 3–3.5°C.
Rich countries are expected to provide finance to low-income countries. This is required to help such countries adopt green technologies and to adapt to the harmful effects of climate change (e.g. through irrigation schemes and flood defences). At COP29 in Azerbaijan, the ‘Baku Finance Goal’ was agreed. This is an agreement to provide climate finance of $1.3 trillion per year by 2035 to developing countries from all public and private sources.
The subsequent ‘Baku to Belém Roadmap’ provides a set of suggested actions for governments, financial institutions and the private sector to bridge the gap between current climate finance flows and the $1.3 trillion agreed to meet global climate goals. The roadmap is a central focus of the COP30 conference in Belém, with discussions between countries on how to translate the Baku finance goal into concrete, tangible actions and integrate it into formal decisions.
The role of Donald Trump
As well as announcing that the USA will withdraw from the Paris Agreement in January 2026, since coming to office in 2025, President Trump has given billions of dollars of tax cuts to fossil fuel firms and allowed drilling for oil and gas on federal lands. At the same time, he has described renewable energy as ‘a joke’ that will bankrupt countries and has slashed subsidies and tax breaks for solar and wind power, withdrawn permits for wind and solar farms, and cut funding for green energy research.
He wants the USA to be world leader in fossil fuel energy, calling on governments to buy US oil and gas, threatening some countries with tariffs if they do not. Already, Japan, South Korea and several European countries have agreed to buy huge quantities of US oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG). A worry is that other similarly inclined governments, such as Argentina, may roll back on their commitments to a green transition and instead boost their fossil fuel industries.
This gives added urgency to the Belém talks. It is crucial for the rest of the world to stick together in pushing ahead to combat global warming and in adopting and sticking to tough NDCs. It is also crucial for rich countries to support dlow-income countries in adopting climate-friendly investment and in measures to mitigate the effects of global warming.
The economics of climate change
Climate change is directly caused by market failures. One of the most important of these is that the atmosphere is a common resource: it is not privately owned; it is a global ‘commons’. Individuals and firms use it at a zero price. If the price of any good or service to the user is zero, there is no incentive to economise on its use. Thus for the emitter there are no private costs of using the atmosphere in this way as a ‘dump’ for their emissions and, in a free market, no incentive to reduce the climate costs.
And yet when firms emit greenhouse gases into the atmosphere there are costs to other people. To the extent that they contribute to global warming, part of these costs will be borne by the residents of that country; but a large part will be borne by inhabitants of other countries.
These climate costs are external costs to the firm and are illustrated in the figure. It shows an industry that emits CO2. To keep the analysis simple, assume that it is a perfectly competitive industry with demand and supply given by curves D and S, which are equal to the marginal private benefits (MPB) and marginal private costs (MPC), respectively. There are no externalities on the demand side and hence MPB equals the marginal social cost (MSB). Market equilibrium is at point a, with output at Qpc and price at Ppc. (Click here for a PowerPoint.)
Assume that the emissions create a marginal cost to society equal to MECc. Assume that the MEC increases as output and total emissions increase. The MECc line is thus upward sloping. At the market price of Qpc, these external climate costs are equal to the purple vertical line. When these external climate costs are added to private costs, this gives a marginal social cost given by MSC = MPC + MECc. The gives a socially optimal level of output of the product of Q* at a price of P*, with the optimum point of c.
In other words, other things being equal, the free market overproduces products with climate externalities. If the output is to be reduced to the social optimum of Q*, then the government will need to take measures such as those advocated in the Paris Agreement. These could include imposing taxes on products, such as electricity generated by fossil fuels, or on the emissions themselves. Or green alternatives, such as wind power, could be subsidised.
Alternatively, regulations could be used to cap the production of products creating emissions, or caps on the emissions themselves could be imposed. Emissions permits could be issued or auctioned. Only firms in possession of the permits would be allowed to emit and the permits would cap emissions below free-market levels. These permits could be traded under a cap-and-trade scheme, such as the EU’s Emissions Trading Scheme. Again, such schemes are advocated under the Paris Agreement.
COP30 and progress in tackling climate change
The USA is not attending COP30 in Brazil. Nor is the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping. However, there are growing opportunities for translating aims into practical policies for specific sectors, such as energy, transport and carbon-intensive industries. These policies may require some degree of government action – taxes, subsidies or regulation – to internalise climate externalities. But increasingly, green alternatives are becoming economically viable without subsidies or with just initial government funding to ‘crowd in’ private investment, which will then attract further private capital as external economies of scale kick in. Increasingly investors will find profitable opportunities in climate-friendly projects.
At the same time, while the USA is moving away from climate-friendly investment (as least for the term of the Trump Presidency), China is moving in the opposite direction, with massive investment in solar panels, wind turbines, EVs and batteries – investment that is bringing down their cost and thereby encouraging their adoption around the world. Such technologies create huge opportunities for low-income countries to provide affordable energy and to create local jobs, both skilled and unskilled. It also helps them achieve much greater energy security by reducing their reliance on fossil fuel imports
Chinese advances in green technology are also providing a stimulus to other countries to invest in renewable industries to prevent Chinese dominance. The danger, however, of Chinese dominance in the renewable sector in high-income countries is that it may encourage them to impose tariffs on Chinese imports of EVs, solar panels, etc. to protect their own industries.
But despite the growing opportunities for profitable adoption of green technologies without government support, there is still much that governments need to do to encourage the process. COP meetings are an important forum for discussing such policies and holding governments to account for meeting or not meeting their targets.
The agreement
The agreement reached at the end of the conference marked relatively small progress. There was agreement to increase finance from developed to developing countries to help them adapt to climate change. This would triple to $120bn per year, up from the previously agreed doubling, but the target date was pushed back to 2035 from the previously agreed 2030.
By the end of the conference, 122 of the 197 countries had submitted a new NDC – still 75 countries short, although others are expected.
The conference also agreed to establish a ‘just transition mechanism (JTM)’ to ‘enhance international cooperation, technical assistance, capacity-building and knowledge-sharing, and enable equitable, inclusive just transitions’. However, this is voluntary and no funding was attached, but it could act as the basis for future funding.
The biggest failure of the conference was probably the lack of agreement on phasing out of fossil fuels. This is not surprising given the opposition of the major oil producers. The hope is that the reduction in costs of renewable energy will drive the process anyway – a process that China is keen to accelerate with its investment in solar power and other renewable energy. One hopeful development, however, was the pledging of more than $9bn to halt deforestation, a major source of global warming. (See the Travers Smith article at the end of the Articles list below for a very useful summary of the outcome.)
Articles
- What is COP30 and why does it matter for the climate?
Chatham House, Anna Åberg (5/9/25)
- COP30 in Brazil: What is at stake for global collaboration on climate and nature?
World Economic Forum, Pim Valdre (5/11/25)
- What is COP30 and why does it matter?
CNN, Laura Paddison (11/11/25)
- Why COP 30 in Brazil Matters for a Thriving Economy and a Safe, Livable Planet
Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS),Rachel Cleetus (7/11/25)
- Nationally Determined Contributions: The Action Plans Behind Global Efforts To Fight the Climate Crisis
Center for American Progress (CAP, Kalina Gibson and Courtney Federico (22/9/25)
- New climate pledges only slightly lower dangerous global warming projections
UN Environment Programme, Press Release (4/11/25)
- COP30: Trump and many leaders are skipping it, so does the summit still have a point?
BBC News, Justin Rowlatt (10/11/25)
- Trump dismisses clean energy as ‘a joke.’ But Americans deserve facts, not fear
USA Today, Mark McNees (23/9/25)
- The surprising countries pulling off stunningly fast clean energy transitions
CNN, Ella Nilsen and Samuel Hart (7/11/25)
Could the world’s biggest polluter be its savior against climate change?
CNN, Simone McCarthy (17/11/25)
- COP 2025: Outlook and Implications for Investors
RankiaPro, Joanna Piwko, Allegra Ianiri, Marie Lassegnore and Jean-Philippe Desmartin (10/11/25)
Post-agreement
- Belém: yet another cop out
Zero Hour, Allan Gray (25/11/25)
- Cop30’s watered-down agreements will do little for an ecosystem at tipping point
The Guardian, Fiona Harvey, Jonathan Watts, Damien Gayle and Damian Carrington (22/11/25)
- COP30: Five key takeaways from a deeply divisive climate summit
BBC News, Justin Rowlatt and Matt McGrath, (25/11/25)
- COP30: What were the key outcomes?
Travers Smith (1/12/25)
Information and Data
Questions
- Summarise the Paris Agreement.
- Summarise the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3T.
- What incentives are there for countries to stick to their NCDs?
- Using a diagram similar to that above, illustrate how the free market will produce a sub-optimal amount of solar power because the marginal social benefit exceeds the marginal private benefit. How might the calculation be changing?
- How might game theory be used to analyse possible international decision making at COP conferences? How might this be affected by the attitudes of the Trump administration?
- Is it in America’s interests to cease investing in green energy and green production methods?