The price of petrol at the pumps has risen substantially over the past few years. In the UK, according to the AA, the average price between January and June 2011 was 133.13p. In the same period in 2010 it was 116.68p; and in the same period in 2008 it was 109.00p.
Over the first six months of 2011, the amount of petrol sold fell by 5.2 per cent. This was on top of the decline in consumption over the previous four years. Between 2006 and 2010 consumption of petrol fell by 17.4%. The consumption of petrol and diesel are given in the following table.
UK consumption of petrol and diesel (tonnes millions)
What factors have caused a fall in consumption of petrol?
If you choose to spend a set amount on petrol, what is your price elasticity of demand?
What determines the price elasticity of demand for petrol?
Why has the consumption of diesel fallen less than that of petrol?
Under what circumstances would an increase in tax on road fuel of 3p per litre (as planned for January 2012), result in a decrease in tax revenue? Why would the price elasticity of demand for road fuel have to be significantly greater than 1 (ignoring the minus sign) and not merely above 1 for this to be the case?
Why is it likely that people’s price elasticity of demand for road fuel will become less elastic the more they have cut back on consumption?
Why is the demand for petrol likely to be more elastic with respect to (a) price, and (b) income over the longer term?
To what extent is the demand for road fuel a ‘derived demand’?
To what extent is the fall in the consumption of petrol a reflection of a movement along the demand curve for petrol or a shift in the demand curve? Explain.
The total EU budget in 2010 was €123 billion. Just under half of this (€58 billion) was spent on supporting agriculture. The programme of support – the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) – has changed over the years. For a start, despite its being a large proportion of the EU budget, this proportion has actually been falling. In 1980, the CAP accounted for 69% of the EU budget; in 1990 it was 60%; in 2000 it was 52%; in 2010 it was 47%.
The types of support have also changed. The main method in the past was effectively to set minimum prices for various foodstuffs and for Intervention Boards to buy up any surpluses that arose from such prices being above the market equilibrium. Massive food ‘mountains’ resulted. Sometimes these surpluses were dumped on the world market; sometimes they were thrown away; sometimes they were simply kept in storage. Export subsidies and import levies (taxes) were also used to reduce surpluses. This, of course, was highly damaging to farmers in many countries outside the EU, especially in various primary exporting developing countries.
Reforms have taken place in recent years. The most important has been to replace high intervention prices with direct payments to farmers unrelated to current output. Whilst such payments still provide a substantial outgoing from the EU budget, being unrelated to current output, they do not encourage farmers to produce more and thus do not generate surpluses. Prices in most cases are allowed to be determined by the market.
The EU has just announced further reforms. These include:
• Capping total CAP spending at current levels until 2020 • Capping the total payment to any one farm to €300,000 • Relating subsidies to acreage rather than previous output • Making 30% of the direct payments dependent on farmers meeting environmental criteria.
The following videos and articles examine the proposals and assess their likely benefits, their likely drawbacks and their likelihood of being implemented.
Families in the UK seemed to have been squeezed in all areas. With incomes flat, inflation rising, petrol and bills high, there seems to be a never ending cycle of price rises without the corresponding increase in incomes. This has been confirmed by the latest figures released from the big six energy companies, whose profit margins have risen from £15 per customer in June to £125 per customer per year. This is assuming that prices remain the same for the coming year.
The regulator, Ofgem has said that profit margins will fall by next year and that they are ensuring that price comparisons between the big energy companies become much easier to allow consumers to shop around. It is a competitive market and yet due to tariffs being so complicated to understand, many consumers are simply unable to determine which company is offering them the best deal. There is certainly not perfect knowledge in this market. Tim Yeo, the Chair of the Energy and Climate Change Committee said the profit margins were:
‘Evidence of absolutely crass behaviour by the energy companies, with a jump in prices announced in the last few months ahead of what will be a winter in which most families face their highest ever electricity and gas bills’
Ofgem will publish proposals later this year with suggestions of how to make the market more competitive. We have already seen in the blog “An energetic escape?” how Ofgem is hoping to reduce the power of the big six by forcing them to auction off some of the electricity they generate. The aim is to free up the market and allow more firms to enter. With the winter fast approaching and based on the past 2 years of snow and cold weather, it is no wonder that households are concerned with finding the best deals in a bid to reduce just one of their bills. The following articles consider this issue.
The UK Supermarket industry is intensely competitive. It’s hard to slot it directly into a specific market structure, but it has many characteristics of an oligopoly – a market dominated by a few firms with intense competition, both price and non-price.
This competititve aspect of the market structure has become even more important as trading conditions become harsher. The latest development sees Sainsbury’s announcing its price promotion – it will match certain prices offered by Tesco and Asda in a bid to attract customers from its rivals.
The supermarket industry has a history of intense price wars and we can only expect them to increase. This is certainly in the interests of customers, as we face ever decreasing prices. It’s a market in which it certainly pays to shop around and compare prices. The following articles consider the latest developments in one of the most competitive markets out there.
What are the characteristics of an oligopoly? To what extent do you think that the supermarket industry fits into an oligopolistic market structure?
Are the price wars being carried out by Tesco, Sainsbury’s and Asda in the interests of consumers?
What aspects of non-price competition have been undertaken by the big supermarket contenders? On what factors does the relative success of these pricing strategies depend?
What might explain the growing presence of fast food companies in the top 100?
How could the supermarkets use the concept of elasticity in determining the most effective pricing strategy?
How has the economic climate affected the supermarket industry? Would you expect the impact to be smaller or larger than that in other sectors of the economy? Explain your answer.
Stock markets have been plummeting. The FTSE 100 index was 6055 on 7 July 2011; by 10 August, it was 17% lower at 5007. Since then it has risen as high as 5418, but by 13 September was down to 5092. Other stock markets have fared worse. The French index fell 30% between early July and September 13, and the German DAX index fell 32% over the same period.
These falls in share prices reflect demand and supply. Investors are worried about the future of the eurozone and the health of the European economy as Greek default looks more and more likely and as the debts of various other European countries, such as Portugal, Ireland and Spain, seem increasingly unsustainable in an environment of sluggish economic growth. They are also worried about high public-sector debt in the USA and the likelihood that global recovery will peter out.
The ‘bear’ market (falling share prices) reflects increased selling of shares and a lack of demand. Not only are investors worried about the global economy, they are also speculating that share prices will fall further, thereby compounding the falls (at least until the ‘bottom’ is reached).
But why have share prices fallen quite so much? And does it matter to the general public that this is happening? The following articles seek to answer these questions.
What factors have led to the recent falls in stock market prices? Explain just why these factors have contributed to the falls.
What is likely to happen to stock market prices in the coming weeks? Why is it difficult to predict this?
What is meant by the efficient capital markets hypothesis? If markets were perfectly efficient, why would it be impossible to predict future movements in stock market prices? Why may stock markets not be perfectly efficient?
What factors determine stock market prices over the longer term?
How are share prices influenced by speculation? Distinguish between stabilising and destabilising speculation.
Explain the various ways in which members of the general public can be affected by share price falls. Are you affected in any way? Explain.
If Greece defaults, what will determine the resulting effect on stock markets?
To what extent does the stock market demonstrate the ‘brutal face of supply and demand’?
